October 27, 2010
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| The three illustrations shown above are taken from a UVM Senior project written by my granddaughter Abigail Robbins. I have added her paper to my original article. |
“The campaign for woman suffrage in America long since ended. Gone are the days of agitating, organizing, educating, pleading, and persuading. No more forever will women descend on State Legislatures and the national Congress in the effort to wrest the suffrage from State and national legislators. The gates to political enfranchisement have swung open. The women are inside.”
This victory statement by suffrage leader Carrie Chapman Catt is found in her 1926 book Woman Suffrage and Politics. Ninety years ago next month, women in Vermont and New Hampshire joined voters across the nation to cast their ballots. That right will be exercised by women across the region again on November 2nd.
In early America, a woman’s legal identity was defined by relationships with the men in her life, and that identity granted her few legal rights. Abigail Adams, in her famous letter to her husband John Adams in March, 1776, admonished the delegates at Philadelphia to, “remember the ladies.” She wrote, “Remember, all men would be tyrants if they could. If particular care and attention is not paid to the ladies, we are determined to foment a rebellion, and will not hold ourselves bound by any laws in which we have no voice or representation.”
That revolution was a long time coming. By 1784, New Hampshire, along with other new states that had granted women limited voting rights, revoked those rights. To restore them was considered so radical that it was not until 1848 that an organized effort to give equal suffrage to women was begun. It resulted from a proposal made by Elizabeth Cady Stanton at the convention held in Seneca Falls, New York, where the women’s suffrage movement was born.
It took another 80 years to achieve full suffrage for women. A brochure from The Women’s Rights Center in Seneca Falls states that the effort gained success only after, “480 campaigns to lobby state legislatures to submit suffrage amendments to the electorate, 56 popular votes on state amendments, 277 campaigns to get state political parties to adopt women’s platforms, 19 campaigns with successive Congresses, and the campaign to ratify the federal amendment in 1919-20.”
In Vermont, suffrage activities took the more moderate stand of gaining the right for women to vote in school meetings. A bill was submitted to the Vermont General Assembly in 1852. That year, Clarina Howard Nichols of Townshend, editor of the Windham County Democrat and the first women to address that body, spoke in behalf of the bill. She told the assembly that granting this right, “would not compromise a woman’s femininity. On the contrary, it would simply extend a mother’s accepted sphere of influence in the field of childhood education.”
In a 1973 article about Nichols, Madeline Kunin wrote, “The then-editor of the Rutland Herald threatened to present her publicly with a pair of trousers.” Nichols reminded the legislators that “they had legislated our skirts into their possession…Time enough for them to taunt us with being after their wardrobes, when they shall have restored to us the legal right to our own.” It would take decades before this modest request was granted.
In the period before the Civil War, the campaign was coupled with the abolitionist movement, but during that war, suffrage activities were put aside as women took active roles on the home fronts. It was that more active presence and the Constitutional amendments that defined citizens as males and granted the right to vote to black men that re-energized the women suffrage movement.
In 1869, a Special Commission on Women Suffrage recommended that an amendment granting suffrage be considered at the Vermont constitutional convention. They stated, “We see no good reason why the most ignorant man should vote, and the intelligent woman be refused…” Activities by supporters of the amendment brought the charge that the state was being invaded by, “strong-minded women.” Of the 223 delegates at the convention, only one voted for the amendment.
In July 1876, a century after Abigail Adams promised to foment a rebellion, E. Anne Hinman made a speech entitled “A Plea for Equality” to a Bradford audience. She made not only, ”a demand for the suffrage, but also for a higher education of women, and the breaking away of the rigid customs which have been established in society, and which prohibit her from sharing the benefits that accrue” from civilization. Her demand for a “wider sphere for women” included equal pay for equal work.
The Bradford Opinion reported that the lecture was, “well written and forcibly delivered and contained much good sound common sense and considerable nonsense.” It concluded, “that there are not ten men in the town of Bradford who are unwilling that women should have the privilege of voting if she wants it.” The editor went on to predict that “women will be permitted to vote sooner or later,” but doubted that the equality they expected to receive from the privilege would be realized.
This lecture, and its response, identifies some of the arguments raised against granting women a role in public affairs. Significant was the lack of wide-spread support from women. Additionally, the movement was coupled with other reforms including the temperance movement. The South feared granting women the right to vote would weaken its newly enacting laws depriving black men of that right. These fears created powerful enemies.
Many opponents felt that granting suffrage was against the teachings of the Bible as well as unnatural, unfeminine, unhealthy, a danger to the home and family and upsetting to “the fragile composition of the fairer sex.” One legislator from Rutland is quoted as saying that he was opposed to giving the ballot to “such a dangerous class as the women of Vermont.”
In 1872, two bills were introduced into the Vermont Legislature: one allowing women who paid taxes to vote and hold office in school district meetings and the other granting full voting rights. Both were defeated, although the school district bill passed the House and lost by only one vote in the Senate. New Hampshire adopted a similar bill in 1878, two years before it was finally adopted in Vermont.
Three years later, national suffragist leaders Lucy Stone and Julia Ward Howe met with supporters in St. Johnsbury and helped organize the Vermont Woman Suffrage Association. The focus of the group’s efforts over the next several decades was to expand the school suffrage to all municipal elections. Deborah P. Clifford’s article on the drive was published in Vermont History magazine in 1979. She writes that a bill granting municipal suffrage was introduced every two years. “Rumors abounded that one house would consent to give women the right to vote as long as the other agreed not to.” The bill finally became law in 1917.
At the national level, the focus was to gain full participation in state and national elections. In 1871, prominent suffrage leaders submitted a petition to Congress asking for the right to vote. Over the next 48 years, they were rejected and vilified for their efforts. They organized, petitioned, demonstrated and cajoled, gaining victories and suffering defeats state by state. One of those defeats was in New Hampshire when a 1902 referendum granting woman suffrage was defeated by the male voters.
The service of women to the nation during World War I helped tip the balance for a constitutional amendment granting full voting rights to women. By 1917, twelve states had granted equal suffrage to women and the following year Jeanette Rankin (R-Montana), the first woman elected to Congress introduced a suffrage amendment. Called the Susan B. Anthony Amendment, it stated, “The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.”
President Wilson opposed the idea when first elected in 1912, but in January, 1918, faced with a re-election campaign, he came out in support of the amendment. The millions of women who could already vote in state elections was a major factor in changing minds. Both supporters and opponents knew that the right of women to vote would come eventually and those who opposed it would be the first victims of the new electorate. The proposed amendment passed both houses by the necessary two-thirds vote on June 4, 1919.
The battle for ratification in the required 36 states was the last battle in the long and continuous struggle. Illinois was the first to affirm the amendment. On September 10, 1919, New Hampshire became the 16th state to ratify it. By March 1920, 35 states had approved, eight had voted against or refused to vote. Gaining the 36th for the required three-quarters was unsure. There were those who wanted Vermont to have the honor of confirming the right to vote for the women of the nation.
Samuel Hand’s history of the Vermont Republican Party entitled The Star That Set, describes the Vermont battle for ratification. Republican Gov. Percival Clements was opposed to the proposal, an opposition that “was grounded in the fear that suffrage proponents sought the vote as a weapon to re-impose prohibition.” When the presidential suffrage bill passed the Legislature, he vetoed it. “Clements contended that the legislators elected to the 1919 session should not vote on the issue since they had been elected prior” to congressional approval. “He proposed instead that candidates for the 1921 session declare themselves on the issue.”
By July 1920, the focus of the ratification movement was on Tennessee, one state in which there was a chance of success. The Legislature was equally divided. It came down to Harry Burn, the youngest member of the body. He had worn a red rose, the symbol of the opposition. The bill had been defeated, but was up for reconsideration. Burn changed his vote to one of support and the amendment was ratified. He later told reporters that his mother had written him a letter stating, “Don’t forget to be a good boy and help Mrs. Catt put the ‘rat’ in ratification.” That single vote gave women across the nation the right to vote in all elections.
Women voted for the first time in a Presidential election in November, 1920. It apparently was not newsworthy to the editor of The United Opinion as there was no major article at the time. Neighborhood reports included some notice of the event. In September, 1920, the reporter for West Fairlee Center noted that eight local women voted in the primary. The West Newbury columnist wrote: “Not many women from this side of the town attended the primary. We hope to see more of them next November. It is now up to the men and women of the country to say what they will have.”
On November 5, the Thetford column included the following: “Town Meeting drew a good number of voters, both men and women. One hundred and sixty-six had registered to vote and probably most of them cast their vote. The young misses of twenty-one were there, also one lady of one hundred one and one half years cast her vote for the first time. Mrs. Elizabeth C. Newcomb is the oldest person in town, if not the county. Chas. Douglas, the Republican candidate for town representative was elected. He made an informal speech in well chosen words, thanking the people for the honor given him. He treated the ladies to chocolates and men to cigars.”
In 1920, Haverhill’s Frances Parkinson Keyes, author and wife of U. S. Senator Henry Keyes, wrote an article entitled “On the Fence” published in The Atlantic Monthly. She stated that while she had been an “anti-suffragette all my life,” she had done nothing of consequence to prevent women suffrage. If fact, it was with her “entire approval” that Senator Keyes voted for the amendment. But, Keyes wrote: “I dread the very thought of voting.” She felt that women had enough in their lives without the extra burden of an expanded role in society. With a combination of hope and concern, she challenged women to accept this newly granted right in such a manner as to prove the opponents wrong. Mrs. Keyes, we can say with certainty, they have.
There is no doubt that the right to vote was the key for women to equality and influence in our society. A primary focus of my professional teaching career has been to inform both young men and women of their right to vote and the responsibilities that go with that right. I registered hundreds of young area residents who had reached their 18th birthday. As a Bradford election official and moderator, it is with no small amount of pride that I see many of them exercising the right to vote. As a citizen it has been my privilege to vote for women seeking office. What once was a radical notion has now become the norm. Hurrah and hurrah.
The following is a UVM senior project of my granddaughter, Abigail Robbins. She was a political science major. It was completed in May, 2020 for the Media, Identify and Social Change course. I was unable to download the visuals she used to support her writings. That shows in the empty blocks throughout the paper.
Shaping Vermont Women’s Identity: The Fight for Suffrage
Introduction:
What does it
mean to be a Vermont woman? Since the creation of the state in 1791 two words
have been present on the Vermont flag: freedom and unity. While these powerful
words conjure up idyllic pictures of equality in one of the smallest states in
the union, this was not always the case in the eyes of the law. This is
particularly true in regards to women’s rights. Something as seemingly mundane
as the ability to vote only came after a movement fought to expand this right.
In doing so, this movement, known as the Vermont Women’s Suffrage Association
or the Vermont women’s suffrage movement, shifted what it meant to be a woman
in Vermont during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. This paper
illustrates how Vermont suffragettes used multiple forms of media, while
drawing upon ideas of Vermont exceptionalism with regards to equity and rights,
to create a new discourse supporting the idea of the politically engaged woman
through gaining suffrage.
Historical
Context:
The fight for
women’s suffrage in Vermont spans from 1852-1919. This fight was slow,
measured, and moderate. It started when a bill allowing women to vote in school
meetings was submitted to the Vermont State General Assembly in 1852. From this
time until the Civil War, the Vermont suffrage movement and the abolitionist
movement were closely associated. This integration ended during the war as
women put aside suffrage as women were expected to take a more active role in
supporting homes during wartime (Coffin 2010). After the war, when suffrage was
extended to black men, the movement was revived due to attitudes that women in
Vermont should also be included in the political process. This was part of a
broader trend happening nationwide at the time. The next major proposal came in
1869 when the Special Commission on Women Suffrage advocated for an amendment
granting suffrage to be considered at the Vermont constitutional convention. A
statement from the Commission stated, “We see no good reason why the most
ignorant man should vote, and the intelligent woman be refused…” (Coffin 2010).
This exhibits the argumentation used to persuade the public to support the
initiative for women to vote.
Legislative
efforts continued in the coming years at the state level. In 1872, bills
allowing tax-paying women to vote, hold office in school district meetings, and
another proposing full voting rights were introduced. The Vermont Woman
Suffrage Association started organizing in
1883 and held the first annual meeting in 1885. In 1907,
the Vermont Woman’s Suffrage Association altered its name to the Vermont Equal
Suffrage Association.
There were many ways the Association
advocated for policy change around Vermont.
Some members delivered speeches
in small towns around the state and lobbied in Montpelier. Others networked
with editors of newspapers to gain their support and wrote editorials and
letters to the papers. Pamphlets were also widely used as a form of media to
spread their message. In unique Vermont fashion, a photo captured the phrase “A
Square Deal Votes For Vermont Women” painted on the side of a barn (Vermont
Historical Society Archives). All these means were aimed to persuade the
Vermont state legislature to increase women’s political rights.
In doing so, they also challenge
existing cultural beliefs, attitudes, and ideas about who should participate in
Vermont politics.
Challenging these existing cultural
beliefs, attitudes, and ideas about who participates in Vermont politics and
what it looks like was one of the Vermont Women’s Suffrage Movement’s biggest
obstacles. Not only did many men not want women to have the right to vote, but
a proportion of women at the time also did not see it appropriate. Facing
opposition from the very people the Association was trying to advance rights
for undoubtedly contributed to the slow and moderate process which took place
from 1852-1919.
The final push
came from the federal level when the Nineteenth Amendment passed Congress on
June 4th, 1919. However, it took until August 26, 1920 for the amendment to
become law. The changes in industrialization and incorporation of women in the
workplace nationwide during World War Ⅰ was one of the factors leading to
the passage of the Nineteenth
Amendment (Jensen 2019). In Vermont, the
state legislature ratified the law on February 8,
1921. The rest of this paper analyzes how specific forms of
media utilized by the Vermont Women’s Suffrage Movement affected existing
cultural beliefs, attitudes, and ideas in order to expand women’s political
participation in Vermont.
Illustrating
the Cause: Presentation of Movement Materials:
The
Vermont Women’s Suffrage Association utilized a variety of forms of
media in their campaign to further
their agenda. This section illustrates and analyzes seven prominent primary
artifacts that the movement used to achieve their goal of shifting Vermont women’s
identity to include political participation. In doing so, these artifacts act
as a mechanism for broader social change in Vermont in this particular
historical moment. The primary sources were found in the collections at Howe
Library at the University of Vermont and the Vermont Historical Society.
These artifacts include newspapers,
pamphlets, flyers, postcards, and internal meeting notes.
Use
of Newspaper:
One medium that
the Vermont Women’s Suffrage Association utilized was the newspaper. This
particular form of media communicated mattered during this historical moment
because of its widespread popularity and its power to shape public perceptions
and discourse.
This power could
create a sense of imagined community even within local Vermont newspapers. The
newspaper’s capacity to depict and contribute to identity formation made it an
integral form of media for the Vermont Women’s Suffrage Association to tap into
to include women. One prominent artifact selected from the Vermont Historical
Society collection showed how bold the movement was in displaying their
dissatisfaction with the status quo. This artifact was an article by Annette W.
Why Women Should Have the Ballot.”
This artifact outlines reasons why women
should be able to vote. The purpose is most likely to convince women and Vermont state
elected officials that women should be able to vote. The artifact helps to
provide evidence to show how a prominent member of the Vermont suffrage
movement felt, thus creating a certain form of messaging. This messaging also
facilitates a certain form of discourse that supporters and the public writ
large can discuss after publication. This discourse could ask, what is women’s
place in politics? Should women have the right to vote? This discourse could
take place verbally between those discussing the article or be written about in
local papers in a reactionary manner. This article illustrates the rhetoric
used to galvanize support for the movement, as well as show the firm and
persuasive tones the movement could take in certain forms of media.
In addition to
articles, the Vermont Women’s Suffrage Association also created flyers specifically for newspaper
publication. The first flyer, selected from the Vermont Historical Society,
showed another common line of argumentation used by the movement. The flyer,
pictured below, gives context as to which state legislatures have ratified the
amendment. The purpose is to persuade the Vermont Legislature to call a special
session to be the last state needed to ratify the amendment. The newspaper
flyer exemplified the Vermont Women’s Suffrage
Association’s goal for Vermont to become the 36th state to
ratify the suffrage amendment. The artifact helps to provide evidence as it
shows how the newspaper form of media was used to gain support and get the
movement’s message out. This artifact also exemplifies an aspect of the
movement’s targeted legislative strategy. This part of the legislative strategy
is directed at the public, calling upon them to pressure their elected
officials, by using the newspaper, as well as pressuring the elected officials
themselves to gain support. Finally, this artifact also shows the movement’s
argumentation which incorporates a sense of rush to become the last state to
ratify the amendment. This appeals to a sense of Vermont exceptionalism that is
part of Vermont identity, which the movement capitalized on to increase support
on the local and state level.
The second
artifact selected from the Vermont Historical Society had the same legislative
agenda, but used different argumentation to gain support. The flyer, pictured
on the subsequent page, has a map of the United States with the South and
Vermont filled in black. The flyer uses the idea of Vermont exceptionalism to
appeal to Vermonters. This flyer asserts that Vermont is the only Northern
state acting like the South by not ratifying the 19th Amendment. The purpose of
the flyer is to persuade the Vermont Legislature to call a special session to
be the last state needed to ratify the amendment. The artifact helps to provide
evidence as it shows the recurring patterns of argumentation used throughout
the movement’s campaign. A key part of the movement’s legislative agenda was to
appeal to the imagined identities as Vermonters. In the cases of these two
artifacts, the Vermont identity values equality and is distinct from southern
states which have not traditionally supported movements for increasing rights.
This newspaper flyer appeals to this particular Vermont value showing Vermont
as aligning with states which do not normally support increasing rights, and
directly
explains that women will only receive this right if the
state legislature acts. Of course, in this instance the increasing of rights
only would apply to white women, as illustrated on the flyer.
Use
of Public Flyers:
The Vermont Women’s
Suffrage Association also utilized flyers advertised in public spaces. One prominent artifact
selected from the Vermont Historical Society depicts how state comparison was
used to appeal to the public. This flyer titled,
“Women Vote for President in Wyoming, Colorado, Utah and
Idaho Why Not in Vermont?” informs the recipient that women in other states can
vote. This draws a comparison to other states, evoking a sense of state
inferiority for not allowing women to vote already. This sense of inferiority
would galvanize support from Vermont women who see this comparative lack of
access to political participation. This is similar to the argumentation evident
in previous artifacts which appeals to an imagined identity of Vermonter being
on the front lines of equality and reform on a state level.
The second flyer
selected from the Vermont Historical
Society is a public advertisement for the Windsor County
Convention for Equal Suffrage. The flyer’s purpose is to attract people, both
men and women, to attend the event. The artifact helps to provide evidence as
the particular way the event is advertised gives a greater insight into who the
movement believed people in the convention’s location, Springfield area, were.
This is evident through the line, “Good speakers, good music-- get out your
Ford and come.” The movement thought advertising good speakers and music would
attract people from the Springfield area to the convention. This also shows the
multifacetedness of the movement’s campaign strategy. This is evident through
the variance in the movement’s campaign advertising at the state and local
levels. The statewide advertisements drew more comparisons to the rest of the
nation as opposed to appealing to a more localized identity as this flyer aims
to achieve.
Use of Pamphlets:
Another method the
Vermont Women’s Suffrage Association utilized was pamphlets. One prominent pamphlet selected
from the Vermont Historical Society draws more comparisons to the rest of the
nation, similar to many flyers. This pamphlet, located on the subsequent page, has a map of the U.S. with the
South and Vermont filled in black. The pamphlet informs readers that women in
other states can vote. The pamphlet also draws a similarity of Vermont to the
South, inferring that Vermont should feel shame by not ratifying the amendment
with the South. The pamphlet appeals to the Vermont identity, arguing that
Vermont should not be the only Northern state acting like the South by not
ratifying the 19th Amendment. This artifact is important in showing an
additional media the movement utilized to gain support and get their message
out. This artifact also depicts how overt the movement was in their messaging.
The decision to
not hold back in saying Vermont’s
identity ought to be different than the South draws a harsh distinction in what
it means to be a Vermonter. This also shows that the messaging of this movement
at the particular historical moment was racialized, as it only advocated for
white women.
Use
of Postcards:
The Vermont Women’s
Suffrage Association also utilized postcards. One prominent artifact selected from the
Vermont Historical Society depicts the movement’s use of postcards to target
individuals who could benefit the cause. This particular postcard pictured
below was addressed to Frances Hobart, Librarian in Vergennes, VT. The postcard
informs the recipient that women in other states can vote. The primary purpose
is to inform the recipient and persuade the recipient to support the movement.
The artifact helps to provide evidence to show one strategy used by the
movement to increase support in the particular historical moment. The artifact
also exemplifies the common argumentation used by the movement for why Vermont
should give women suffrage.
Significance
of The Movement:
The work of the
Vermont Women’s Suffrage Association exemplifies how many Vermonters identify
the importance of increasing political rights for a sizable number of the
population. The media used by the Vermont Women’s Suffrage Association to
communicate their platform and mobilize supporters is important to analyze,
particularly as parts of the agenda were obtained before the rest of the
nation. This was undoubtedly in part due to the movement's appeal to Vermont
identity. This was illustrated by direct comparison to the South as being an
undesirable model, as well as pressure applied when depicting states that
already allowed white women to vote. In doing so, the Vermont Women’s Suffrage
Association juxtaposed Vermont against the South by defining Vermont by what is
not. Vermont was not on the side that owned slaves during the Civil War.
Vermont saw itself as a vanguard of human equality. The movement capitalized on
this feeling of Vermont progressivism and used different forms of media to show
how Vermont was not living up to its standard of supporting human equality. In
essence, the media was used to call out Vermont for not walking the talk,
hoping to inspire change.
Finally, as a Vermont woman interested in
politics, I would be remiss to not touch upon the ways in which the outcomes of
the suffrage movement affected women’s role in Vermont politics. In addition to
obtaining equal suffrage for white women in Vermont, the movement was integral in shifting Vermont women’s
cultural identity. This shift resulted in an increase of women holding
political office in Vermont. In fact, this shift was achieved soon after the
19th amendment was passed. A study found that just one year after Vermont women
obtained the right to vote, there was an increase in Vermont women holding
office in municipal governments around the state (Hallowell 1987).
The Vermont suffragettes used the imagined
Vermont identity, created by various forms of media in order to change
discourses surrounding women’s ability to become politically engaged through
gaining suffrage. The impact of their discourse has helped women hold many
seats in the Vermont State House. In 1921, Edna Beard of Orange, Vermont became
the first woman elected for the Vermont State House of Representatives.
Remarkably, the reason Beard won the general election was due to forty women in
Orange registering to vote for the first time.
Beard surpassed her opponent by
thirty-eight votes (Vermont Public Radio 2009).
In addition to
holding local office, this discourse has created space for women to hold
statewide office, including the Lieutenant Governor’s office with the election
of Consuelo Bailey in 1954 and the Governor’s office with the election of
Madeleine Kunin in 1978. As more women from around the country are elected to
walk the halls of Capitol Hill, it will be interesting to see if similar
appeals to Vermont identity will be used to mobilize the election of a woman to
represent the Green Mountain state in the coming years.
Bibliography:
1.
Annette
W. Parmelee. Seventeen Reasons Why Women Should Have the Ballot. [List
outlining reasons why women should be able to vote] Vermont Historical Society
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